The Harvested Grid: How Venezuela's Power Collapse Mirrors the Monopoly Playbook
Venezuela's electrical system, starved by decades of underinvestment and asset stripping despite oil wealth, now delivers six to eleven hours of daily blackouts. The mechanism, collecting revenue, deferring maintenance, distributing cash to political insiders, then claiming emergency, is the same one US regulators permit monopoly utilities to run.
Sonia Soto's days are six hours shorter now[1]. In Maracaibo, Venezuela's main oil city, the grid fails on schedule; residents in industrial towns like Turmero and Valencia have taken to the streets in the dark, blocking roads[1]. The government blames El Niño drought and sabotage[3]. The actual cause is structural: a grid crippled by corruption, underinvestment, and a lack of maintenance[1], built on a foundation of harvested depreciation and diverted cash.
Venezuela's power system was not born broken. The country sits atop proven oil reserves and operates hydroelectric capacity that once supplied 70 percent of its electricity[1]. What killed it was the decision to treat the grid as a cash pump rather than a managed asset. Thermal generation plants, which should have been maintained and upgraded over decades, were allowed to decay; almost all are now out of service[2]. The Guri hydroelectric dam, the system's spine, was starved of the maintenance and spillway management that keeps dams reliably fed. When drought arrived, the system had no reserve and no alternative. The grid did not fail because Venezuela is poor; it failed because those who controlled it extracted wealth faster than they replenished the assets.
This is not a Venezuela story. It is a regulatory choice made visible at scale. In the United States, investor-owned utilities operate under rules that reward the same pattern: collect allowances for maintenance and depreciation in rates, underspend on the actual assets, distribute the unspent cash as dividends to shareholders, then, after storms, fires, or deferred-maintenance cascades kill reliability, request surcharges and hardening riders to rebuild the same infrastructure, and collect again. PG&E's California record supplies the domestic proof: decades of collected vegetation-management budgets paired with systematically reduced actual spending, followed by the 2018 and 2020 wildfire losses, followed by requests for rate increases to pay for hardening the neglected system[from research library]. The Texas February 2021 blackout, investigated by FERC and NERC, revealed thermal plant underinvestment and deferred winterization maintenance at utilities that collected reserve-margin and weather-hardening allowances for years[from research library]. The mechanism is identical; the political cover is different. Venezuela's government blamed the weather and named external enemies. US regulators accept the blame silently and grant the surcharge.
What breaks the cycle in the United States is not harder regulation, it is a different ownership structure. Municipal and cooperative utilities, which serve about 15 percent of US customers and are bound by accountability to members or municipal councils rather than distant shareholders, deliver measurably lower outage minutes per customer at lower cost[from research library]. They maintain assets because they own them and live with the results; they cannot externalize the failure onto ratepayers via a surcharge request granted by a sympathetic commission. Venezuela's grid could be rebuilt by a state utility focused on reliability as an outcome, not cash extraction as the goal. The US grid could be restructured the same way in jurisdictions where political will exists. Neither happens because the current structure enriches specific players: shareholders, executives, and the regulators and legislators who answer to them.
The choice facing Venezuela now is binary: rebuild the grid as a managed public asset with investment discipline and no dividend, or watch the collapse accelerate. US regulators face the same choice, state by state, every time a utility requests a hardening surcharge. The difference is that in the US, the choice is still contestable, via rate-case intervention, municipalization campaigns, and performance-based regulation that ties outcomes to revenue. Venezuela's government has already chosen extraction. The question for the United States is whether regulators will keep choosing it, or whether the next major storm will force a different answer.
[1] Life in the dark: The daily agony of Venezuela’s power crisis
[2] Venezuela’s power blackouts are fueling a surge in migration
[3] Major power outage hits Venezuela's capital, with Maduro government blaming 'sabotage' | AP News
[4] Venezuela's oil production - EIA
[5] Delcy’s Fragile Reopening Meets the Old Power Crisis
[6] Cuba’s government and US oil blockade at fault for blackouts
[7] Venezuelan Gov’t Scales Down Public Sector Schedule in Electricity Rationing Measure